<span style="font-size: 1em">Sanctions Versus Anti-corruption Narrative: Counter Hegemony in Practice</span>
Before delving into the discursive strategies employed by the connected citizens around the #ZimbabweanLivesMatter, it is important to examine the thematic issues that they raised and discuss how that assists in the conscientization of the masses beyond the digital agoras. This is a signifcant step in valuing all voices in terms of their views on how resources should be allocated (Couldry, 2010). Furthermore, this gives an important background to understanding the discussive strategies employed as well as how they may facilitate a signifcant cultural shift. As per the objective of this study, focus is on how this can possibly infuence a long-term cultural shift instead of an immediate uprising to topple the ZANU-PF government (Gramsci, 1977). The #ZimbabweanLivesMatter discourse around 25 October 2020 was meant to counter the government’s anti-sanctions discourse. This is summed up in the Facebook post by award winning journalist, Hopewell Chin’ono, who highlighted that 25 October should not be an anti-sanctions day, but an anti-corrup tion day. As such, he urged citizens to "to refect on our spaces about the damage that corruption has done." This background is important to understanding the anti corruption discourse advanced by the citizens to argue that sanctions were not the problem, but corruption.
To prove that corruption was the real problem behind Zimbabwe’s economic challenges, Twimbos (Zimbabwean citizens on Twitter) used the case of Zimbabwe Miners Federation boss, Henrietta Rushwaya, who was arrested at the Robert Mugabe International Airport on 27 October, two days after the anti-sanctions gala on allegations of attempting to smuggle 6 kg of gold out of the country. In some of the tweets, people took this as an opportunity to argue for how corruption is the problem and not sanctions. Instead, they blamed the looting of gold and other precious minerals by the political and economic elites as the reason for the country’s dire economic straits. They blamed people like Henrietta Rushwaya who was arrested at an international airport trying to smuggle gold to Dubai in her handbag. The gold was valued at around US$366,000 (about 310,000 euros).
This is perhaps supported by the tweet which points out that "the main problem is corruption and looting by elites. This is naturally rich country, that is suffering from kleptocrats since many years." Using the Rushwaya’s case as evidence of how Zimbabwe has ended up in economic challenges echoes Gramsci’s (1994) intelligent refection to explain how situations arose. What is also important to note here is how the citizens, as they refected on these problems, stated that they have a moral duty to stop corruption. This is captured in the following tweet:
We curse our youth to lifelong #poverty when we see #corruption shrug and do nothing. We have a moral duty to end Zanu-PF thievery #ZanupfMustGo #ItsNotSanctions #EndZanuPf.
This is a discourse of self-awareness where citizens are striving to become agents to create their own social order (Gramsci, 1994).
This discourse on corruption was further connected to how it has contributed to general suffering of ordinary Zimbabweans. One tweet for example, questioned: "if the suffering will ever end?" In the Zimbabwean case, this suffering is witnessed through "economic hardship, hyperinfation, a coup, disputed elections" as one tweet pointed out. Thus, according to the citizens, corruption has resulted in poor salaries for teachers and a lack of basic services like water and electricity. The connection of corruption to these vices is seen in the solutions suggesting that corruption should be ended if this is to stop. This is for example seen in the following tweet:
@edmnangagwa For Zimbabwe to show its potential, ZANU PF brutality, corruption, and theft must stop forthwith. Release all political prisoners. Reform!
The realization what has created Zimbabwe’s problems is slowly leading to calls for transforming the situation which is a necessary condition for rebellion and social reconstruction (Gramsci, 1994).
One limitation to the oppressed in their fght to change their circumstances, according to Gramsci, is a limited view of the world (Crehan, 2002). However, with Twitter in particular and social media in general, the discourse is expanding to problems beyond Zimbabwe. For example, in the following tweet, one participant refected on how other countries beyond Zimbabwe are suffering too:
@ngadziore Our ppl Africa have suffered enough. In Zimbabwe #Zimba bweanLivesMatter, in Nigeria #EndSARS, in Namibia #ShutItAllDown, in the DRC #CongoIsBleeding, in Cameroon #EndAnglophoneCrisis, in South Africa #GBV #HumanTraffcking, in Uganda #PoliceBrutality & #Mozambique.
This tweet shows an expanded view of Zimbabweans as they look beyond just Zimbabwe but what is happening across the continent. In many respects, Gramsci (1994) likens this expanded view to having a potential like that of the French Revolution where pamphlets spread the message in different cities from Milan to Vienna etc. In other words, the hashtag here acts as some form of a pamphlet.
The solutions proposed by participants around the #Zimbabweanlivesmatter are also in line with what Gramsci argued would be important for the launch of a revolution (Crehan, 2002). In calling for a cultural shift, (Gramsci, 1977) was of the view that the masses also need to be organized, through solidarity as the only way that could lead to concrete action. The discourse analyzed here also shows a call for that solidarity across the African continent. For instance, in another tweet, one Twimbo called for everyone to stand against injustice across the continent be cause "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." In fact, one of the social media activists urged Zimbabweans to "stand together with the international community" on 25 October 2020. He described it as "A Day of International Solidarity Against Bad governance And Dictatorship in Zimbabwe." In this way, protestors are calling for the formation of a continental society in Gramscian (1977) terms, which then required the linking of socialist institutions if workers were to succeed in pushing for their cause.
The discourse at the core of the #ZimbabweanLivesMatter could also be conceptualized as a form of knowledge generation about the citizens’ rights against the elites. This is another element of self-awareness (Gramsci, 1994), which is crucial in facilitating cultural shifts necessary for any revolutionary changes. For example, one Twimbo sought to educate Zimbabweans that their "constitution empowers people to speak out against injustices in Section 59 that give the power to demonstrate and petition." By invoking clauses in the constitution, the tweet sought to emphasize that the issue that speaking truth to power and engaging in demonstrations was not illegal. This was very important since the government apparatus sought to demonize the protest as an illegal demonstration bend on fomenting regime change. Another tweet also highlighted that "citizens have a duty to disobey unjust laws #ZimbabweanLivesMatter." This realization of rights conscientizes people on the rights that empower them to register their grievances against the state. Furthermore, this human rights discourse sought to counter the law and order discourse promoted by Varakashi (government’s social media agents) and government sympathizers on Twitter. The argument does not end here as opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Alliance (now rebranded to Citizens Coalition for Change, CCC) political party spokesperson, Fadzayi Mahere, went to ask why it was a crime to ask for a better life. In tweet juxtaposed with a #ZimbabweLivesMatter banner, Mahere asked a rhetorical question: "Why is it a crime to want a better society?"
In his seminal works, Gramsci aptly averred that people’s ability to imagine how their world can be changed is very crucial to any revolutionary progress (Cre han, 2002). One strand of the discourse encouraged Zimbabweans to be coura geous in the face of the regime as repressive state apparatuses would not succeed: "Dictators all over the world have tried this and failed. "The power of the people is much stronger than the people in Power" #ZimbabweanLivesMatter." Apart from encouraging bravery in the face of brutality, the discourse also promoted an imagination of alternative ways to change the government that go beyond elections and involved calls for a revolution. In one tweet pessimistic about Zimbabwe’s elections, it is argued that "anyone who expect justice -from ED’s judiciary should have his/her head examined. Zimbabwe needs a revolution. Let’s not even waste time on elections." This was even accompanied with calls to discard party politics.
The composer of this tweet argued that "Zimbabweans yearn for good governance…If only Zimbabweans can wake up to the fact& realization that they do not need both ZanuPF &MDC. #ZimbabweanLivesMatter." This is one crucial step in the realization of self-awareness as citizens explore opportunities to transform their situation by even refecting on the history of others who have toppled dictatorships before (Gramsci, 1994).
Apart from the thematic issues raised above, which are important in raising people’s consciousness and facilitating cultural shifts, the discursive strategies em ployed are also very pertinent. The strategies can either legitimize or delegitimize the actions of participants; help citizens in investigating problems by connecting causes and effects. This is the subject matter of the following section.
Through quoting verbs, the participants legitimized those who encouraged speaking out against ZANU-PF’s misrule. For example, one tweet legitimized US Ambassador to Zimbabwe’s criticism of ZANU-PF attempts to suppress freedom of expression by stating: "Brian Nichols nailed it when he said: ‘if zpf (ZANU-PF) don’t want people saying bad things about them, stop doing bad things." In similar vein, participants legitimized local economist Gift Mugano’s advice to the government by stating that he "challenged government to stop abduction and persecution of human rights defenders and opposition activists." By describing Mugano’s crit cism, using an assertive verb legitimizes those who speak against state brutality. This is contrary to the delegitimization of the government’s efforts to speak up against sanctions. In the following quote, one Twimbo challenged the effectiveness of government’s strategies in fghting sanctions by stating: "RG used to shout at every UN platform or funeral. – Mbeki shouted the same until he was recalled. – Zuma did the same. – Ramaphosa joined the chorus. – ED is also shouting Let’s not be STUPID!" The verb "shout" and the descriptive term "stupid" are meant to dis credit all these efforts, implying that there is a more sensible way to deal with the issue. Thus, the sanctions narrative is discredited here by delegitimizing it, while at the same time legitimizing those who speak against government abductions and persecution of activists.
The use of representational strategies also legitimized or delegitimized certain actors. Delegitimization can be achieved by dropping all honorifcs usually used to show the importance of the president. Through state media, Emmerson Mnan gagwa is hegemonically referred to as "The Head of State and Government and Commander in Chief of the Zimbabwe Defense Forces." On Twitter, this is reduced to "Anyone who has ever posed for a picture with ED Mnangagwa is a criminal… I await to be proven wrong." The same also goes for Mnangagwa’s offcials who are not represented by their offcial titles but even mocking metaphors. For instance, Zimbabwe’s Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services, Nick Mangwana, is referred in tweet as a "clown." The tweet read: "Then this clown @nickmangwana has the nerve to ask, ‘what does this have to do with corruption?’ @usembassyharare tell your government to keep those sanctions on and start tightening them on all government offcials." Thus, Nick Mangwana’s importance is reduced by referring to him as a clown. This is not uniform though as in some instances, functional representations are used. Some tweets addressing government offcials could read: "Dear Minister @MinisterSBMoyo (the late Sibusiso Moyo), it looks like too many criminals are now surrounding the president." This tweet is problematic in that frst, it gives Moyo the weight of a Minister, which is not necessarily wrong. The problem comes in paint ing Moyo and the President as innocent individuals. The president is surrounded by thieves and SB Moyo has to clean the system.
In a way that also helps indicate who is responsible for various actions or is a victim of state actions, the #ZimbabweanLivesMatter hashtag discourse is also characterized by individualization. For example, one tweet identifed Emerson Mnangagwa as the man responsible for human rights abuses in Zimbabwe by stat ing that: "In the past 3 years, the regime of Emmerson Mnangagwa has murdered, butchered, tortured & abducted Zimbabweans." In another tweet revealing selec tive application of the law in Zimbabwe, a participant contrasted how Henrietta Rushwaya was set to be acquitted while Hopewell Chin’ono, a journalist who had exposed corruption would have suffered in prison. The tweet read: "The painful part is she will come out scot free, a light slap on the wrist while @daddyhope languished in prison for telling the truth." Thus, though this tweet backgrounds who is responsible for making Hopewell Chin’ono (@daddyhope) languish in prison, at least he is named in the tweet. According to Machin and Mayr (2012), this naming of perpetrators and victims helps in apportioning responsibility other than generalizing.
In many ways, this helps in bringing solidarity among the oppressed, the oppressed use pronouns "we" versus "them," the leadership of Africa. This way they speak in a way that attempts to bring them together and defne their "common enemy." For example, in one tweet, ordinary people separate themselves from the government by stating that "We need to fght extrajudicial killings and brutality from govm (government)!" This idea comes clear when the youths try to speak with one voice to say, "a revolution is needed, young people let’s rise and stop these old folks from destroying our future." At the same time, they connect their struggles beyond national boundaries, which is important as it goes beyond limited world views criticized by Gramsci (Crehan, 2002). The following tweets illustrate this: "Real Africanism is when we stand up for each other as Africans. Our leaders are leading the whole continent into a Civil war." "Our struggles are connected, Always have been and Always will be!" While these tweets may hide power relations among the oppressed or those fghting the system (Machin & Mayr, 2012), they also demonstrate the call for solidarity, an important cultural trait Gramsci (1994) argued is necessary for a revolution.
However, it has to be noted that some of the representations are characterized with agent backgrounding/suppression, collectivization, and im-personalization in some instances. The following tweets, for example, foreground agent suppres sion that characterized part of the discourse around the #ZimbabweanLivesMat ter. One states: "The violence of colonization was just repackaged. We now live in a political environment that mirrors Rhodesia." Another one reads, "Our ppl Africa have suffered enough. In Zimbabwe #ZimbabweanLivesMatter, in Nigeria #EndSARS, in Namibia #ShutItAllDown, in the DRC #CongoIsBleeding." The frst tweet fails to name who is responsible for repackaging the colonial system in Zimbabwe while the second also fails to name who is responsible for making people suffer in Africa. The second tweet even runs the risk of generalizing suf fering on the African continent, without naming those responsible in particular countries. This does not help much in refecting on the continent’s problems, espe cially when it comes to investigating problems and connecting causes and effects (Crehan, 2002).
Collectivization also helps to mask who is really responsible for looting in Zimbabwe. For example, another tweet stated that "we are led by common CRIMINALS who took AK47s in 2017 to restore the legacy of their LOOTING & nothing else, support them at your peril!" Apparently, this is in reference to Emmerson Mnangagwa and company who staged the coup that removed Robert Mugabe. Even at the African continental level this continues with such arguments like "Everything happening in Africa is happening because of the older generation." This kind of collectivization, according to Machin and Mayr (2012), does not bring the readers closer to the social actors, which may affect whether people will feel outraged by those responsible for their plight or not. Alongside this collectivization also is im-personalization whereby reference is made to an organization, under which individual actors are hidden. For example, one tweet stated that the "problem we have right now in Zimbabwe is of UNREFORMED REGIME #ZanuPf. And those problems you just mentioned were created by your REGIME." At the continental level, one argued that "the African Union (AU) as a body is 100% useless." By apportioning blame to these organizations, individuals are indirectly absolved, which is the weakness of such discourse.
Literary devices like personifcation also run the risk of concealing the actors responsible or what exactly is happening. This can be seen from such hashtags as "#AfricaIsBleeding" "#CongoIsBleeding." The problem here is that it is not re ally clear what this bleeding means and who causes it. Some metaphors are both effective while at the same time some conceal what has really happened or the intended meaning. While metaphors like "clown @nickmangwana," which refers to the Zimbabwean government’s Ministry of Information Permanent Secretary Nick Mangwana, is effective in discrediting him, the following tweet does not. One participant posted that "Investigating these regime culprits would implicate all of them & would see a lot of worms coming out of the woodwork." Here it may not be clear what "worms coming out of the woodwork" might mean.